Some analysts say that nebulous “administrative resources” and biased media reportage are raising their ugly heads again in Ukrainian power politics.
While parliamentary elections this spring are expected to be fairer than the fraud-filled presidential elections of 2004, some analysts say that nebulous “administrative resources” and biased media reportage are raising their ugly heads again in Ukrainian power politics.
Another big concern is local elections, which some observers say leave more room for monkey business than do elections at the national level, and they are easier to rig without fear of punishment.
According to analysts, there are many discrepancies between the law on parliamentary elections and the law on elections of local authorities, both of which take place on the same day. It is these inconsistencies, they say, that create opportunities for manipulations during elections at the local levels.
The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe is providing 60 long-term observers and another 600 short-term observers to monitor Ukraine’s parliamentary elections in March.
According to the OSCE Needs Assessment Mission Report from December 2005, the general conditions for fair elections to take place have improved. The report discusses the country’s improved media situation and new legislation that brings Ukraine closer to European standards.
But the report also outlines flaws, such as nontransparent media ownership structures and the failure of the government to punish high-ranking officials involved in falsifying the presidential election results in 2004.
The OSCE, as with many other international election monitoring organizations, is more concerned with Ukraine’s parliamentary elections, and its observers will not be monitoring election processes at local government levels, such as contests for mayoral posts.
Yevhen Poberezhny, the deputy chairman of the Committee of Voters of Ukraine, says local elections are potentially vulnerable to manipulations.
He adds that the parliamentary elections should significantly differ from the 2004 presidential poll. He went on to say that while there seems to be no centralized use of administrative resources, such resources are still being used on the regional level or in a ‘dissipated’ manner.
“The first biggest change is that the government is using administrative resources less,” Poberezhny said. “The authorities are interfering with the election process less this time.”
However, Poberezhny said that his NGO has noticed a number of cases when local authorities have used administrative resources to manipulate elections across the country.
The parliamentary elections on Mar. 26 will take place in the context of constitutional reforms, which went into effect on Jan. 1, 2006. These reforms were the result of a political compromise struck in December 2004 between parlimentary forces loyal to former President Leonid Kuchma and those belonging to Viktor Yushchenko and his Orange Revolution allies following the rigged presidential elections that year.
The reforms shift key presidential powers to Parliament and give the parliamentary majority much of the authority in forming the next government.
While there is general agreement that there is no one group of political forces exerting pressure ahead of the elections, opposing political parties blame each other for using their power to manipulate voters.
“It’s very important to note that these elections are just as important as the last presidential elections,” said Viktor Tanan, a people’s deputy with the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc.
“This time we are [essentially] going to choose a person who will be stronger than the president,” he said referring to the next parliament’s role in forming the Cabinet.
Accusations leveled at Cabinet
Taran believes that administrative resources are being used by the pro-presidential Our Ukraine bloc. He argues that government officials have not taken vacation leave for the election campaign period and are using their positions to promote the bloc.
“Yuriy Yekhanurov and the other ministers should go on vacation before the elections to run their campaigns,” Taran said. “They should not mix [politicking and governance].”
Observers say that most of the political blocs are taking advantage of administrative resources as a way to influence the vote count.
While they may not be in power at the moment, the Party of Regions remains influential in the country’s east and south. while former Orange allies have clout in western regions of Ukraine.
Other less popular parties are also being accused of using so-called administrative resources to influence voters. One example given is the Vidrozhdennya (Rebirth) party, whose leader, Vasyl Gladkyh, serves as head of state railway holding Ukrzaliznytsya. He is using his position to influence employees of this state organization to support Vidrozhdennya, Poberezhny said.
Taras Chornovil, a people’s deputy with the Party of Regions, said that his party has noted a number of occasions in western Ukraine where members of the Party of Regions have been illegally removed from their official positions among the local authorities.
Even though Chornovil says that administrative resources are being used, he believes that the parliamentary elections will be fairer.
“There will be ten-fold mutual control and monitoring from both sides,” Chornovil said.
“I think that the elections will be very calm.”
Yuriy Klyuchkovsky, a parliament member with the Our Ukraine bloc, said that while abuse of power regarding elections is possible in the regions and separate parts of the country, the government itself is not using any of its power to influence the outcome of the parliamentary elections. “The approach of the new government is completely different,” Klyuchkovsky said. “The president said that the parliamentary elections should be fair,” he added.
