The nation celebrated its 30th birthday with style and substance — and learned who its true friends really are.
First, there was German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s stopover for a cup of coffee with President Volodymyr Zelensky on Aug. 22 in Kyiv. The brevity of her visit, the absence of meaningful commitments and that fact that it was tagged on to a questionable Moscow visit with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Aug. 20, pretty much tells Ukraine all it needs to know: Kyiv ranks low on Berlin’s priorities.
Merkel looked silly asking Putin to release jailed critic Alexey Navalny, to consider a long-term gas transit contract with Ukraine, and in cajoling the dictator to stick to the Normandy format to end Russia’s war against Ukraine.
Why silly? Germany has undermined its credibility by pressing ahead with Nord Stream 2 and other trade ties with Russia despite the Kremlin’s war crimes, violations of international law, flouting of the European Union’s own energy regulations, use of banned chemical weapons, and imprisonment and likely murder of dissidents. Its actions in Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova and Syria are those of a rogue nation.
In this capitulation, Germany has even coined a word to describe abject subservience to the Kremlin — “Schroederization” — meaning politicians who can be bought off by Putin, such as ex-German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder. Nord Stream 2 has rendered other sanctions meaningless. The West doesn’t want to impose tough sanctions against Putin. And evidence exists that the feeble ones in place are being flouted.
More encouraging was the Crimea Platform, a gathering by Ukraine of like-minded nations who demand an end to Russia’s illegal occupation of Ukraine’s Crimean peninsula, seized in a military invasion by Russian forces in 2014 as punishment for overthrowing the Kremlin-backed Viktor Yanukovych during the EuroMaidan Revolution. Nearly 50 nations signed on to the declaration. Many sent their presidents or prime ministers. It is heartening that so many nations are on the side of international law and Ukraine’s territorial integrity in what promises to be a long fight, but one the world must win. Hopefully, the many nations still on the moral fence will take a stance in support of Ukraine.
And then there was Independence Day itself. The atmosphere was hopeful and joyful. The parade was spectacular. Ukraine celebrated its renewed military might, honored its slain heroes, and demonstrated why this is a vibrant nation on the front line of the struggle for democracy and against autocracy. This is no Afghanistan. Ukrainians are well-educated and motivated to defend their nation on their own. Of course, help from friends is important, which brings us to next week — another important one for Ukraine’s future.
The Aug. 31 White H0use meeting between U. S. President Joe Biden and Zelensky is one that Ukraine has sought for years. The last such Oval Office meeting took place between U. S. President Donald J. Trump and Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko in 2017, although Trump and Zelensky met on the sidelines of a United Nations conference in 2019.
Thorny issues will likely surface such as the Russian-German Nord Stream 2 pipeline. But if Zelensky can’t get the sanctions he wants to stop the pipeline, he should look ahead and seek U.S. commitments in assisting Ukraine to pivot to a future of renewable energy independence.
Let’s hope both Biden and Zelensky use this time wisely. Zelensky needs to show that Ukraine will fight corruption, will spend aide wisely, and is a worthy ally. Biden needs to show, after the cut-and-run exit from Afghanistan, that he recognizes the importance of Ukraine prevailing against Russia’s war and in building a strong democracy.
There is no reason to overstate the importance of one meeting. The bilateral relationship will remain strong no matter what transpires. But this is a big chance to improve Ukraine-U.S. ties for years to come.
