However, the battle is far from over. Promising the election wouldn’t change his relations with feisty Ukraine, Putin’s sniper unit Vostok, known for its extreme bru-
tality, attacked Donetsk airport the next morning. Eventually, Ukraine’s defences overpowered the terrorists but other battles are erupting and convoys of Russian trucks and ships are approach Ukraine’s boarders. Is the victory designed as an entrap-ment for an all-out war?
Cleaning out nests of Russia’s terrorists is president-elect Poro-shenko’s fi rst test. He must bring calm and order to Ukraine. In his post-election speech, he promised anti-terrorist reinforcements but the terrorists are using Ukrainians as human shields. The situation is mindboggling: Poroshenko must keep the Russians out yet avoid the blood baths used by Putin to “win” in Chechnya.
The West, too, is being tested.
Although Putin’s instructions to NATO “no-membership-for-Ukraine” have kept it out, this is a key bar-gaining chip. Russia must withdraw its terrorists or Ukraine’s mem-
bership becomes a fait accompli. NATO’s potential involvement not-withstanding, it would be prudent for Poroshenko to convince friends like Poland, Latvia, Slovakia and others to join Ukraine in creating a distinct FOF—force of friends—to provide a military and psycho-logical counterweight to Russia’s avarice for sovereign territories.
Perhaps Britain might be engaged to participate with its considerable expertise in fi ghting international terrorism. After all, the Kremlin is most interested in a disrupted EU. The U.K. is a good link into the U.S., Canada, Australia, and others that are not fooled by Kremlin’s rhetoric and lies of seek-ing peace while practicing chaos.
The second test for Poroshenko is a vibrant economy. Ukraine was the economic motor of the former U.S.S.R. It’s considerable potential can be readily realized with honest leadership. Much groundwork for reform has already been done. Sign-ing the EU Association Agreement with its reform package is of highest priority. Loans from international entities like the IMF, and contribu-tions from EU, the U.S., and Japan lined up for implementation to restart Ukraine’s economic recovery.
Invigorating Ukraine’s economy means ending corruption. The new president needs to separate busi-ness from politics by requiring oligarchs—most are both politicians and owners of huge industrial com-plexes—to choose one or the other. Currently, this duality loaded with confl ict-of-interest opportunities, en-sures astronomical personal profi ts protected from taxes. In 2013, alone, offshore money is estimated to be greater than the size of Ukraine’s en-tire 2013 budget of around $8-billion.
Poroshenko aims to set an example. He’s selling his chocolate business to eliminate confl ict of interest and profi teering. Meanwhile, the international community’s sanc-tions against Ukraine’s oligarchs including ex-president Yanukovych and his inner circle have frozen their assets. These will revert to Ukraine adding billions to its budget.
However, given Putin’s post-election bad temper and strong suspicion that he wants and out and out war to ensure, as a mini-mum, a strong negotiating position on Ukraine’s future, it is manda-tory for the West to do more. As Prime Minister Stephen Harper said in his statement fl owing the elections, “we remain ready to
intensify actions against those who persist in their assault against the country’s sovereignty and territo-rial integrity.” This means putting Russia on the world’s list of terror-exporting-states like Syria and Iran. Put into effect economic sanc-tions against key sectors like banks and energy. And, for emphasis, add Putin and company to the personal sanction lists. Reported to hold some $40-billion in personal assets, managed by an insider circle of Mafi osos, he is the main offender.
Without such bite, Western sanctions are but irritants to be laughed off while global criminal-ity, on a scale the world has hardly seen before, disrupts law and spreads terror and death.
The West’s mushiness towards Russia is amply demonstrated by the shameful invitation to Putin to participate in the D-Day celebra-tions in Normandy. The historic event is designed to underscore that the horrors of World Ware II must never happen again. He is the insti-gator of new confl icts and atroci-ties: he must be disinvited. Instead, honour the accomplishments of the Red Army by inviting Ukraine’s new president. After all, it was Ukraine’s First Red Army Division that marched in to liberate Berlin.
Ukraine is a test for the world. They are doing their part. We must do ours.
Oksana Bashuk Hepburn is a Canadian international opinion writer.
