As the spectacular events of the Orange Revolution slowly become fond memories, it seems that Viktor Yushchenko – after a lot of fighting – will finally be inaugurated as Ukraine’s third president.
This amazing revolution thrust Ukraine into the world spotlight as never before. Politicians from all over Europe and America turned their attention to the events in Kyiv and, if only in spirit, joined the hundreds of thousands of demonstrators in fighting for a peaceful and just resolution to the massive fraud that marred the Nov. 21 runoff vote.
Now, as we enter the first days of an optimistic 2005, Ukraine seems poised to truly “join Europe” and the family of Western nations. That’s why it seems illogical that the first major initiative undertaken by the new Ukraine is the Communist-led one: to withdraw Ukrainian peacekeeping troops from Iraq. The move was accompanied by outgoing President Leonid Kuchma’s instructions to the defense and interior ministers to start planning for withdrawal in the first half of this year.
Oddly, half of Our Ukraine’s deputies – including Petro Poroshenko, a strong candidate to be the next prime minister, and Yushchenko’s campaign head Oleksandr Zinchenko – and six deputies from Yulia Tymoshenko’s eponymous bloc lined up alongside the Communists and Viktor Yanukovych’s team in support of Ukraine’s retreat from the world.
Another struggling democracy
It seems ironic, especially after the support Ukraine received from Europe, that the leaders of Ukraine’s former opposition and soon-to-be-ruling majority would decide to withdraw support to another developing democracy.
Without a doubt, the war in Iraq was controversial, and Ukraine’s participation was even more confused by Kuchma’s attempts to curry favor with the United States after the Kolchuga missile scandal and Gongadze crisis. Despite that, in the initial vote on the matter in June 2003, 39 deputies belonging to Our Ukraine, including Yushchenko and Zinchenko themselves, were among the 273 lawmakers who originally authorized the deployment of Ukrainian troops to Iraq.
Yes, the current resolution came two days after eight Ukrainian soldiers died in an explosion at an ammunition dump in Iraq. This horrible event should be carefully investigated, but it shouldn’t affect crucial political decisions.
This is not the place to debate the justifications for the war, but it must be stressed that Ukraine’s participation was limited to peacekeeping and assisting in the development of the rule of law and democracy in a region that desperately needs these things. Ironically, during the Orange Revolution it was Ukraine and Ukrainians who needed support and countenance from the West, so that democracy should take root here.
The Communists and others clearly objected to the Ukrainian presence in Iraq, since it was a U.S.-led initiative. Obviously, many politicians feel uncomfortable seeing Ukrainian troops so closely aligned with the United States. On the other hand, when push came to shove in Kyiv after the second round of elections, I didn’t hear a single Ukrainian backing Yushchenko who suggested that the United Nations get involved here. Instead, everyone wanted to see more of the hard power of Europe and the United States.
Furthermore, Ukraine has established a peacekeeping tradition over the past decade, and presently has more than 3,000 peace keepers in 10 countries, including Kosovo, Sierra Leone and Liberia. It would be a bad snub to Ukraine’s “new” ally, the United States, if its first step is to remove peacekeepers from Iraq, while leaving thousands of others under U.N. auspices.
I believe Ukraine, as a recent beneficiary of international assistance, can and should play an active role in the larger international community in promoting democracy and freedom in other countries – in the Commonwealth of Independent States, in Africa, in the Middle East and elsewhere.
I hope Ukrainians, much like Poles, Hungarians and Bulgarians – all active members of the coalition in Iraq – understand how tenuous democracy and freedom are, and how important the role of the larger international community can be.
I also believe that Ukrainians instinctively understand the limits and failures of the UN in actively promoting freedom in its member countries. Throughout the Orange Revolution, from the first days of protest to the roundtable meetings, Ukrainians and Yushchenko actively sought international assistance and support, calling for allies in Europe and the U.S. No one hoped that Kofi Annan would arrive in Kyiv. I doubt anyone in Ukraine would have been satisfied by a UN resolution concerning the second round of the elections.
New chapter in foreign policy?
As Yushchenko assumes the presidency, Ukraine can open a new chapter in its foreign policy, building strong ties to Europe and the world. Perhaps, in the long run, Ukraine should retreat from peacekeeping missions in general, as part of a larger plan to reduce its armed forces. Or perhaps Ukraine should focus on becoming a beacon of freedom in the CIS and utilize its peacekeeping capabilities locally, rather than in Africa and the Middle East.
Whatever the decision is, I hope President-elect Yushchenko will carefully define Ukraine’s foreign policy needs, while not simply following a Communist-sponsored resolution and blindly indulging in anti-Americanism.
Jed Sunden is the Kyiv Post’s publisher.
