For Ukraine to fundamentally change its political culture and to move forward along its narrative towards a free society, it is necessary that both political parties and new members of parliament be committed to an established set of democratic principles and legislative enactment and not to the established tradition of fealty towards political personalities and partisan political one-upmanship.
Though the presidential elections this spring proved that democratic electoral mandates can be achieved at Ukraine’s executive level, it remains unknown if fundamental democratic change can assuredly be established within its prime legislative body.
In Ukraine’s quest to become a functioning and stable European democracy, the major challenge within its body politic has always been the need to develop ideologically and principles based political parties. To this point, it has failed to do this.
In the five years between the Maidan and these elections, democratic political forces failed to produce and publically present either a ‘charter’ or ‘statement of principles’ that would act as a guide for political and civic life.
Sadly, democratic minded individuals and groups did not produce a Charter 77 or likeminded democratic philosophical document that would have established a paradigm and ethical code that would frame, inform and govern civic society and political discourse.
They failed to organize, unify and deeply plant the seeds of democratic values into the political soil of the country that would have been borne fruit for present parliamentary elections. It may have even broken the tradition of personality-based parties.
What the democratic ‘opposition’ failed to do post-Maidan was develop organizational and trustworthy political relationships amongst democratic political partisans to act as unified opposition to the oligarchic exercise of power over the present parliamentary elections and ensuing parliamentary practice.
So as not to fully blame Ukrainians, there was also a failure of its Western partners to forge ‘partnerships’ with established political parties in their functioning democracies so that Ukrainians would be able to access political organizational expertise, policy development practices, and how to actually run a political party in an mature democracy.
The failure to establish ideological based parties will undoubtedly retard democratic growth and practice in Ukraine in its quest to become a rules-based governing democracy and for it escape from oligarchic political influence.
Though the presidential elections did establish an electoral democratic mandate for change, this does not guarantee that this mandate can, or will be, effectively translated toward the enactment of democratically inspired legislation that would ‘institutionalize’ this societal quest for change.
Nonetheless, without the establishment of the rule of law, inspired by the principles of democracy, the respect of human dignity emanating the principles of equality and justice, a stable, free-market based society, will not, and cannot exist.
So what could be expected in these parliamentary elections?
The election of new, mostly unknown and untried political faces that will hopefully replace the old and tired faces within the Rada and in the country’s political discourse and the beginning of building a worthy political elite.
On the surface, and perhaps, at best, a fresh and transformative spirit to doing politics.
Huge amounts of money to be spent by oligarchic interests and those whose continued relevance depends on the maintenance of the discreditedstatus quo. ‘Dirty’ money that will not have been legally sourced or expended. In this round, huge amounts of oligarchic money has been pouring into the system.
A return of old and tired faces acculturated by the spirit of homo-sovieticus, such as Poroshenko, Tymoshenko, Boyko and Liasko, who are deeply mistrusted by the electorate, and who have no credible or sustained reputation for promoting and enacting fundamental democratic legislation.
A resurgence of regional representation organized and financed by regional oligarchic interests that will strive to reaffirm the practices of the old system and reaffirm a political relationship with Russia.
A surge of revanchist power factions that will oppose and attempt to prevent fundamental democratic change, with the aim to maintain the oligarchic status quo.
What NOT to expect.
As mentioned above, the translation of the presidents electoral mandate for fundamental political change regarding how politics are practiced.
A guarantee that the parliament will be populated with courageous individuals who will enact a democratic legislative agenda that would include: voting against parliamentary immunity, establishing a parliamentary ombudsman, pushing for parliamentary electoral reform, the establishment of lobbying rules, demanding financial transparency in political funding, and adopting the principle of de-monopolization in regard to media and economics.
It cannot be expected that this generation of younger politicians have the knowledge, ability and wherewithal to exercise their individual power within the corridors and the backrooms of power within the Rada or the willingness to rebel against party discipline when called for.
So as not to be disappointed, the proposed new generation of civic leaders, businessmen and personalities presented to be future parliamentarians, according to their short published biographies, do not show the maturity to understand the nature of political power as it is still practiced here in Ukraine.
They don’t know, and are even probably not aware, nor do they have the maturity to operate within Ukraine’s byzantine established power structures. How many will have the fortitude and gumption to resist party officials, monied interests and power brokers for the sake of the democracy that their electors crave?
