Making sense of the national elections in Ukraine that occurred nearly a year ago is of great importance for Ukrainians and for those involved in understanding the Ukrainian polity. Initially, many pundits concluded that Ukrainians sought and got a new, young face unblemished by politics. Becoming belatedly apparent is the fact that the new political leadership lacks a basic understanding of running a country, much less reforming it. The new government has not broken with its populist messaging during the campaign and refuses to speak squarely with the citizenry.
There is no policy to deal with the real challenges to national security and peace, jurisprudence and the rule of law, a rules-based mixed market economy, or, most recently, the Coronavirus. Instead, in many instances, Ukrainians have seen the quiet turn to old faces to ‘fix matters’ – faces often linked to past corruption schemes, the Yanukovych regime and Party of Regions, even Putin’s Kremlin.
Hence the rise of the Capitulation Resistance Movement (CRM or, in Ukrainian, ROK) – an expression of alarm of civil society in the context of the new political reality. It belongs to the civilizational values of Ukrainian political culture associated with the EuroMaidan Revolution that ended Viktor Yanukovych’s presidency in 2014. ROK first appeared during the euphoria, confusion, and shock that ensued after the stunning victory of Volodymyr Zelensky and his political party, “Servant of the People”, in the last presidential and then parliamentary elections.
That summer, when other political parties were trying to salvage their own possibilities under radically different and unanticipated new circumstances, the Capitulation Resistance Movement already was performing an important function, in shaping new civic rhetoric and national response, proving once again that Ukrainian civil society would not remain silent. On the contrary, the civic sector exhibited clarity and critical thinking in formulating an advocacy platform that helped propel civil society to rapidly self-organize.
In short, a non-partisan union of NGOs, activists, experts, volunteers, researchers, independent intellectuals, civil servants, political figures, and leaders of public opinion emerged spontaneously to counter Russian aggression and support further Euro-Atlantic integration of Ukraine under a new political reality in the affairs of state.
Of immediate concern was the surprising declaration by the new leaders of a heretofore unknown political force that their intention was to end Russia’s war against Ukraine immediately, yet without naming Russia as the aggressor state and refusing to articulate in public those national interests of Ukraine which are not negotiable and that they intended to defend.
These glaring omissions were sufficient to raise alarms. They were compounded by manipulation of public consciousness through crude populist rhetoric and false assurances. The administration was rife with an anti-professionalism that included significant policy missteps. Add to the mentioned problems the considerable corruption scandals, woeful senior staffing practices, and harassment and intimidation involving abuse of the legal system against activists of the EuroMaidan Revolution and a very disturbing picture emerged.
The Capitulation Resistance Movement launched its activities by organizing mass actions under the banner «No to Capitulation!” and rejecting official policy aimed at recognizing the aggressor country as a “partner”, legalizing the “Steinmeier’s formula,” withdrawing the Ukrainian troops from the front lines, and legitimizing Russian controlled terrorist organizations in the occupied territories of Donbas.
Throughout the summer of 2019, many of the CRM founding members were actively working on common causes including a number of successful initiatives including the March by the Defenders of Ukraine on Aug.24, 2019. The official founding of the Capitulation Resistance Movement came shortly before the all-Ukrainian protest rally “Stop Capitulation!” on Oct. 6, 2019. Before the coronavirus pandemic and global quarantine, such mass events as “Red Lines for Zelenskyi” were held regularly. They gathered from 20 to 50 thousand participants and covered all the regions of Ukraine. The Capitulation Resistance Movement has now established offices in all oblast centers and many rayon centers of Ukraine.
However, not all actions of the Capitulation Resistance Movement have involved large events. Often rallies and pickets have been virtually instantaneous, organized within hours, through appeals in social media. The Movement’s agility and response time is indicative of the depth and scope of the civic network. Unlike any other former Soviet republic other than the Baltics, Ukraine has a developed civil society, a legitimate force in its own right that influences the behavior of political forces in power.
The Capitulation Resistance Movement has no intention of transforming into a political party. At the same time, it is making an impact on the development of the Ukrainian political establishment and looks to coordinate strategy and tactics with patriotic pro-Western political forces. Thus, an all-Ukrainian “Dignity Forum” was initiated by the Movement and held in Kyiv on November 15, and attended by 300 designated delegates from NGOs from different regions of Ukraine. Representatives from opposition political parties also spoke at the event. The main objective of the Forum was to agree on a common platform for protection of the national interests of the state.
The Capitulation Resistance Movement has also developed forward looking policy alternatives, high-quality expert analysis and statements, including the “Ukrainian Doctrine of Security and Peace” (Oct 31, 2019) and the “How Kyiv views the 12 step plan” published by the Atlantic Council Alert (Feb 18, 2020).
Such policy proposals, coupled with public discussion and civic pressure, have impacted Parliamentary decisions in various spheres. A good example is the difference between the first version of government’s draft Law No. 2178-10 “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine concerning Agricultural Land Turnover” from the much-improved bill that was adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on the night of March 31, 2020. In the approved bill Ukraine’s national interests were better protected and by extending out finalization and implementation to July 1, 2021, it will be possible to fully bring this Law into compliance with national priorities.
The Movement against Capitulation has all the characteristics of a grassroots movement. The Movement’s Coordinating Council is led by such well-known public activists as Andrew Levus, Mykhailo Basarab, Myroslav Hai, Pavlo Bilous, Ihor Lapin, Andrii Yusov, Yurii Honcharenko, Serhiy Vysotskyi, Ihor Mazur, Kateryna Chepura, Oleksandr Ivanov and others. The Movement’s Strategic Council consists of prominent independent thinkers, experts, researchers, and human rights defenders, including Volodymyr Vasylenko, Joseph Zissels, Volodymyr Ohryzko, Danylo Lubkivskyi, Mykhailo Honchar, and others.
Ideologically, the Capitulation Resistance Movement is center-right. Ukraine is struggling to overcome its post-colonial status. In addition to protecting state independence against Russian aggression and consolidating, inter alia, a market economy, Ukrainians need to further their cultural identity, strengthen the Ukrainian political nation, and progress towards Western civilizational values.
The Capitulation Resistance Movement is fighting against the Russian fifth column embodied by the Opposition Bloc, its facade organizations, and media holdings. They are, first of all, the “Strana UA” web site, as well as “112 Ukraine,” “News One,” and “ZIK” TV channels. These surrogates in Putin’s hybrid war no longer disguise their intentions: returning Ukraine to Russia’s domination and away from the Euro-Atlantic community. Today, they are exploiting what is already bad national political leadership that opens new opportunities for them to undermine the state. Today, Ukraine truly is in great danger.
The Capitulation Resistance Movement includes among the most tested and responsible representatives of Ukrainian civil society working for a sovereign and independent Ukraine, member of the euro Atlantic community with all of the attendant civilizational responsibilities that flow from it. ROK does not engage in blackmail or extortion by threatening a third “Maidan.” An escalation of political confrontation to a physical consequence can only pose an unacceptable threat to the Ukrainian state, an eventuality, Russia would covet. However, it should be remembered that at the critical time the Revolution of Dignity stopped Yanukovych and volunteer fighters spontaneously deployed to stop operation “Russian Spring.”
The populism sweeping across open societies brought “Servant of the People” to power in Ukraine and is now threatening to undo many of the gains made by the Revolution of Dignity. For the Capitulation Resistance Movement and its adherents, the Ukrainian state is a civilizational value by its very nature, since realizing any civil rights and human freedoms are possible only in an independent and sovereign state. That is why Ukraine is resisting Putin’s Russia. Ukraine and Russia embrace different political cultures. Ukrainians believe in the discourse of freedom and want to be a free nation.
Serhiy Kvit is a professor at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy and a member of the Coordination Council of the Capitulation Resistance Movement.
