After the Russian attack on Ukraine in the Azov Sea on Nov. 25, European politicians are scrambling to come up with appropriate responses to the incident.
And perhaps surprisingly, one of the first people to talk about introducing new sanctions against the Kremlin was Austrian Foreign Minister Karin Kneissl, previously a “Russlandversteher” or one who “understands” Russia – an ironic German term for a fawning Russophile.
Kneissl said that the possibility of new sanctions against Russia would be discussed at a meeting of the European Union foreign ministers on Dec. 10. Austria currently holds the EU presidency.
“Everything depends on the facts and on the further behavior of the two opponents,” Kneissl said on Nov. 27 during a visit to Berlin. “But these will have to be examined.”
While this by no means is a hard line approach, no other German-speaking politicians are even talking about new sanctions. And yet more remarkable is the fact that Kneissl is the very same woman who danced a waltz with Russian President Vladimir Putin at her wedding in August. Pictures of a curtsy she had made before the Russian President after the dance swept through the German-language media, and she had to defend herself against accusations of having knelt before Putin.
For a long time now, the relationship between the right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), for which the independent Kneissl sits in the cabinet, and the Russian government has been more than just friendly. In December 2016, the head of the FPÖ even signed a contract with Putin’s party, United Russia (Yedinaya Rossiya). The signatories agreed to regularly advise each other on the current affairs of Russia and Austria, and to cooperate in the “education of the younger generation in the spirit of patriotism and enthusiasm for working.”
But this tender relationship has been suffering since a Russian spy was unmasked in early November. The now retired colonel is said to have spied on the Austrian army for 20 years. In the aftermath, Austria began to learn how other countries are treated by Russia in such cases. The Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov denied the allegations and claimed ignorance on the matter. The government in Moscow would, however, explain to the Austrian ambassador how his country should approach such matters in future.
Interestingly, the German Foreign Minister, Heiko Maas, has thus far responded less assertively than Kneissl.
“The developments in #Ukraine are worrying”, Maas tweeted on Nov. 26, a day after the incident in the Azov Sea. “A Russian blockade of the passage into the Sea of Azov is unacceptable. It is important that this blockade be lifted.”
It sounds like a condemnation of Russia – until one gets to the last sentence: “We call on both sides to de-escalate.”
Usually, Maas is not one to be frugal when it comes to criticizing Russia, especially compared to the FPÖs politicians – or even his own party, the Social Democrats, among who, for example, is Gerhard Schröder, who has earned millions at Russian state corporations and calls Putin his friend.
It is clear, especially considering his further statements, that Maas emphasizes communication and diplomacy, and meetings in the Normandy format. One such meeting will take place in December – the French, Ukrainian, Russian, and German foreign ministers will meet in Berlin.
“We have once again made it clear to both sides that we expect them to exercise the greatest possible restraint,” Maas tweeted afterwards. “For it is necessary that we prevent this conflict from turning into a more serious crisis.”
On Nov. 27, Maas gave a speech at the Berlin Foreign Policy Forum. There, he called on the European Union’s Member States to develop a common eastern policy. The goal must be that “Russia again respects international law and does not violate the territorial sovereignty of its neighbors.”
Maas’ words echo Germany’s current foreign policy. On Nov. 26, German Chancellor Angela Merkel spoke by phone with both the Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and the Russian President Vladimir Putin. Her spokesperson said she had explained to them the “necessity of de-escalation and dialogue.” Merkel and Putin also discussed “the option for an analysis of the incident with participation by Russian and Ukrainian border security experts.” They agreed to “remain in close contact on this matter.”
Neither are politicians from the ruling coalition of conservatives and social democrats making any far-reaching demands:
During the Berlin Security Conference the German Defense Minister Ursula von der Leyen (CDU) called for the release of Ukrainian seamen and warships seized by Russia.
Norbert Röttgen (CDU), Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Bundestag, responding to an interviewer’s persistent questions, said that sanctions were not currently being discussed, but may be an option to be considered.
This reluctance of German politicians to even say the word “sanctions” originates partially in sanctions not being particularly popular in Germany. The country sees itself as one of trade, and many companies take a critical view of the losses caused by sanctions. Moreover, according to a survey by the newspaper Welt of the Kremlin-critical Springer-Verlag from March of this year, 58 percent of Germans wish for a better relationship with Russia.
In particular, politicians from the poorer eastern German states, which were once part of the Soviet-aligned GDR or East Germany, frequently emphasize their solidarity with Russia and the supposed necessity of reconciliation, and demand a scaling-back of sanctions.
Politicians from the Left Party, which emerged from the Socialist Unity Party (SED), likewise object to sanctions, as does the right-radical Alternative for Germany (AfD) that has been gaining in popularity over the last few years.
Alexander Neu, member of the Bundestag’s defense committee, said in a radio interview: “The sovereignty of Ukraine is roughly equivalent to that of a three-year-old child, still dependent on its mother.” The presenter replied: “That was a huge affront to Ukrainians.” Neu’s response: “Maybe. But it’s a fact.”
While politicians from the Left Party frequently feel a type of solidarity to Moscow tinged by leftover nostalgia from socialist times, supporters of right-wing parties often see in Putin a pop star – a strong leader finally bringing order in confusing times.
